After gaining independence from Britain in 1948, Sri Lanka descended into a prolonged civil war between the government of Sri Lanka and the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE), who sought to create separatist Tamil state in the North and East. Several key developments intensified ethnic tensions, including the disenfranchisement of Indian-origin Tamils in 1948, the Sinhala Only Act of 1956, university standardisation policies in the early 1970s, and anti-Tamil pogroms in 1958 and 1983 (Sri Lanka Campaign, 2025). These measures had lasting consequences for interethnic relations.

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Sri Lanka experienced three major insurgencies after independence: the 1971 and 1987–89 uprisings led by the Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP), and the civil war involving the LTTE. The JVP drew support mainly from educated but underemployed Sinhalese rural youth who opposed perceived elite dominance. Meanwhile, in the North, Tamil grievances deepened during the late 1970s and 1980s, as many felt marginalised. Moderate Tamil leadership was increasingly sidelined by militant groups, and after the 1983 Black July riots, the LTTE emerged as the dominant political and military force representing Tamil interests, pursuing its aims through sustained armed conflict.

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The war ended in 2009 when the Sri Lankan government forces defeated the LTTE after a prolonged military campaign. However, serious allegations of human rights abuses, including forced disappearances, extrajudicial killings, torture, and sexual violence, were raised against both sides, particularly during the final stages of the war (United Nations Human Rights Council, 2015). In the aftermath, Sri Lanka faced the ongoing challenge of rebuilding national unity, fostering reconciliation, and implementing transitional justice mechanisms to address the legacy of conflict.

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Reconciliation aims to restore relationships that have been damaged; it is an active process that often includes an element of justice. Reconciliation goes beyond merely forgiving past wrongs, it seeks to create lasting peace and mutual understanding (South African College of Applied Psychology, n.d.). According to the Sri Lanka Barometer (SLB) Survey (2025) findings, 48.6% of participants emphasised that unity and positive relationships among all ethnic and religious groups is what comes to mind when thinking of reconciliation, acknowledging the role of national unity in achieving long-lasting peace and reconciliation (Sri Lanka Barometer, 2025).

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The Ongoing Challenges of Reconciliation

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In the academic field of conflict and peace studies, scholars examine the structural and societal barriers that hinder reconciliation, such as power struggles, socio-economic and political inequalities, identity-based tensions, and competition over resources. Understanding these underlying dynamics is not only useful for analysing the root causes of conflicts, but also helpful to understand the challenges that must be addressed in transforming these issues into peaceful outcomes.

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The 2025 SLB findings indicate that 17.2% of Sri Lankans perceive that lack of harmony amongst communities is the biggest barrier to achieving reconciliation. These divisions are further compounded by longstanding language barriers, with 54.4% of respondents identifying ‘language’ as a major obstacle to associating with other ethnic communities. Additionally, 8.2% identify ethnic, religious, or caste-based discrimination as a significant challenge.

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These findings suggest that structural and social divisions continue to affect the development of a shared national identity. Importantly, Sri Lanka’s civil war was not only a military conflict but also a deeply political and social one. As Jayatilleka (2014) argues, while military victories can defeat armed movements, they cannot resolve underlying political grievances or identity-based conflicts.

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While the Sri Lankan government made efforts to promote reconciliation, such as establishing the Lessons Learnt and Reconciliation Commission (LLRC) in 2010, and subsequent initiatives, such as the Office on Missing Persons (OMP), these efforts have had limited impact.  The International Crisis Group (2011) argued that the LLRC lacked sufficient independence to address wartime abuses effectively, while the OMP has faced criticism for slow implementation and limited progress in addressing the concerns of affected communities. Consequently, calls for accountability mechanisms and stronger protection of minority rights have persisted. Furthermore, many affected families rejected monetary compensation, instead demanding truth and accountability regarding missing relatives (Kodikara, 2022).

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However, it should be noted that between the 2023 and 2025 SLB findings on barriers to achieving reconciliation, there is a notable shift in how respondents perceive the nature of the problem, moving from predominantly structural and political concerns toward more socially embedded and behavioural challenges. In 2023, the most prominent concern was the lack of political will (21.2%), which significantly declined to 10.4% in 2025, suggesting either improved confidence in political commitment or a reorientation of public perception away from state responsibility.

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Overall, the findings suggest that while institutional and political dimensions of reconciliation may be gradually stabilising, interpersonal trust, social cohesion, and everyday relational tensions are increasingly being viewed as the central obstacles to reconciliation in Sri Lanka.

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Pathways Forward

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To address these challenges, educational reform should be a key priority. For instance, given that the SLB findings identify language barriers as one of the most significant obstacles, expanding opportunities to learn all three national languages can help bridge communication gaps among communities. In addition, fostering a deeper understanding of Sri Lanka’s historical, cultural, and religious diversity can promote mutual respect and reduce prejudice. It is also worth highlighting that, while there is no doubt about the state’s responsibility in facilitating reconciliation, greater attention must be given to addressing conservative and negative attitudes within the general public toward ethnic harmony and reconciliation, and this factor should be addressed in a more meaningful and sustained way.

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Promoting peaceful conflict resolution is another key element in preventing future conflicts. This includes dialogue, negotiation, mediation, diplomacy, and community-based reconciliation initiatives. Encouraging international cooperation is also important. Sri Lanka can learn from other post-conflict societies that have addressed grievances and rebuilt trust such as South Africa (through the Truth and Reconciliation Commission chaired by Desmond Tutu), Rwanda (through ending ethnic politics publicly and government-facilitated institutions such as the National Unity and Reconciliation Commission) and Northern Ireland (through the Good Friday Agreement with the support of international observers and mediators) These examples  demonstrate the importance of acknowledging historical grievances, fostering inclusive political dialogue, and investing in long-term reconciliation and trust-building measures.

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Conclusion

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In conclusion, the findings discussed throughout this blog highlight that reconciliation in Sri Lanka extends far beyond the end of armed conflict. Deep-rooted social, political, and structural divisions continue to shape interethnic relations and hinder the development of a shared national identity. The persistence of language barriers, discrimination, economic inequality, and perceptions of political exclusion demonstrates that meaningful reconciliation requires more than symbolic initiatives, it demands sustained efforts to address underlying grievances and foster trust among communities. At the same time, pathways such as educational reform, inclusive dialogue, accountability mechanisms, and learning from other post-conflict societies offer important opportunities for moving forward.

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Rebuilding trust among ethnic communities remains one of the most critical challenges in post-war Sri Lanka. Achieving sustainable peace will require genuine political commitment, inclusive governance, and long-term efforts to ensure equality, justice, and recognition for all citizens.

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References

International Crisis Group (2011) Statement on the report of Sri Lanka’s Lessons Learnt and Reconciliation Commission. Available at: https://www.crisisgroup.org/stm/asia-pacific/sri-lanka/statement-report-sri-lankas-lessons-learnt-and-reconciliation-commission (Accessed: 15 March 2026).

Jayatilleka, D. (2014). Long war, cold peace. revised edition. Colombo: Vijitha Yapa Publications.

Kodikara, C. (2022) The Office on Missing Persons post-2020: Who and What is it for? Polity, 10(1). Social Scientists’ Association. Available at: https://polity.lk/wp-content/uploads/2024/06/Polity_vol.10_18ChulaniKodikara.pdf (Accessed: 19 April 2026).

South African College of Applied Psychology (n.d.) What is reconciliation? Available at: https://www.sacap.edu.za/blog/applied-psychology/what-is-reconciliation/

Sri Lanka Barometer. (2025). Reconciliation, Governance, and Civic Engagement in a Time of Transition: National Public Opinion Survey on Reconciliation 2023, 2025. Available at: 68f73f77c0eeb557ca6c95b4_SLB Full Report_EN_Digital.pdf (Accessed: 21 May  2026)  Sri Lanka Barometer (n.d.) Online Data Analysis Tool. Available at: https://www.srilankabarometer.lk/online-data-analysis-tool (Accessed: 21 May2026).

Sri Lanka Campaign (2025) Sri Lanka Independence Day: A legacy of colonialism and ethnic divides. Available at: Sri Lanka Independence Day: A legacy of colonialism and ethnic divides (Accessed: 19 April 2026)

United Nations Human Rights Council 2015, Report of the OHCHR Investigation on Sri Lanka (OISL), A/HRC/30/CRP.2, 16 September, viewed 15 March 2026, https://www.ohchr.org/sites/default/files/documents/hrbodies/hrcouncil/sessions-regular/session30/documents/a-hrc-30-crp-2.pdf

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Dinesh Priyankara is a recent graduate in International Relations from Girne American University in Türkiye. Currently, he is pursuing a master’s degree in Conflict and Peace Studies at the University of Colombo. In addition to his academic interests, he writes as a freelance commentator on social, political, and cultural current affairs in both English and Sinhala. His interests include history, politics, international affairs, art, and culture.

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